April 2025
It’s premature to declare the end of the Democratic Party.
I understand the temptation. Democrats are out of the White House and out of power in Washington. They don’t have a clear leader or a coherent message. The Democratic Party brand is historically unpopular. Democrats don’t control anything. They lost the presidential election to a former president with unprecedented legal trouble who finished ahead in the national popular vote. And yet, this is not the end for the Democratic Party.
How do I know? Well, I’m getting old and I’ve seen this movie before. I’ve been analyzing elections for more than 20 years, and both parties have been declared dead since I’ve been doing this. The bottom line is that parties lose and look completely lost right before they bounce back.
I remember 2004, when Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry lost to President George W. Bush and Republicans expanded their House and Senate majorities. Not only was it the Democrats’ fifth loss in the past seven presidential elections, but the country was mired in Iraq and Bush wasn’t regarded as the sharpest knife in the drawer. Out of power and at risk of being beholden to and identified by former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean and the political left, there was a feeling of Democratic despair.
But just two years later, in 2006, the Democratic Party came roaring back as voters responded to two more years of Bush. Democrats secured a Senate majority with a gain of six seats and won the House majority as well with a 31-seat gain. Nancy Pelosi became the first woman speaker of the House. Then in 2008, Democrats continued to romp by gaining eight more Senate seats, an additional 20 House seats, and the White House for Illinois Sen. Barack Obama.
So just four years after the Democratic Party was left for dead, Republicans were suddenly teetering on the brink of irrelevancy. They were out of the White House and out of power in Washington. There was no clear leader of the GOP. Obama had supposedly ushered in a new, postpartisan era with a coalition that would leave Republicans on the outside looking in for years. The GOP was in the wilderness.
But just two years later, in 2010, the Republican Party came roaring back as voters rejected Democrats’ handling of the Affordable Care Act. Republicans gained 63 House seats and reclaimed the majority. They gained six Senate seats (seven, including the Massachusetts special election), though it wasn’t enough to win the majority. Republicans were relevant again.
Although the extinction talk wasn’t quite at the same level as the previous examples, the Democratic Party was put on life support after Hillary Clinton lost to Donald Trump in 2016. And yet Democrats gained 41 House seats two years later and defeated Trump in 2020.
The bottom line is that there’s a cyclical nature to our politics, mainly because the party in power usually learns the wrong lessons from the election. The winners believe the electorate is in love with them rather than voicing their disapproval of the other party. The winning party claims a mandate and goes too far in exerting its power, and then there’s a backlash among voters who decide they want more of the “out” party in office to be a check and balance.

With an aggressive display of executive power, Republicans are risking overreading the 2024 election results as a mandate for the future rather than a refutation of President Joe Biden and Democrats in power at the time.
But even if voters are dissatisfied with Republicans, are they really going to vote for a party as unpopular as the Democrats?
The Democratic Party has a 29% favorable and 54% unfavorable rating, according to an early March SSRS poll of adults for CNN. That’s the party’s lowest favorable rating since at least 1992. So doesn’t that demonstrate that Democrats are about to be relegated to the history books?
Putting aside the fact that the Republican Party wasn’t wildly popular either in that survey (36% favorable and 48% unfavorable), the GOP has been in a similar position and bounced back eventually.
The Republican Party was at 32% favorable (62% unfavorable) after the attack on the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. The GOP had a 29% favorable rating in the fall of 2017, 30% and 32% favorable ratings in fall of 2017, 30% favorable in fall of 2013, 33% favorable in August 2011 and 31% favorable in December 1998. And yet the GOP endured.
It wouldn’t hurt Democrats to improve their party’s image to take advantage of a potentially positive political environment. They need to be credible alternatives to voters looking for change. Republicans had a 44% favorable and 43% unfavorable rating in October 2010 ahead of the GOP wave, and Democrats had a 53% favorable and 45% unfavorable rating in early November 2006 ahead of their wave. But Republicans had just a 40% favorable and 49% unfavorable rating in late October 2024, just before winning the White House and control of the Senate.
For their part, Republicans can’t rely on an unpopular Democratic brand to save them from a potentially difficult set of midterm elections. Republicans might be losing independent voters concerned about the economy with the president’s recent actions, and the GOP hasn’t proven that it can turn out the Trump coalition when the president isn’t on the ballot. (That’s actually not a unique phenomenon either. Despite winning two presidential elections, Obama left the Democratic Party in no better shape than before he took office.)
So take a deep breath, because even though Democrats won’t have a clear leader until it nominates someone for president in 2028, the party will likely bounce back before too long, with significant help from Republican missteps.
Nathan L. Gonzales is a senior political analyst for the Public Affairs Council and editor of Inside Elections, a nonpartisan newsletter with a subscription package designed to boost PACs with a regular newsletter and exclusive conference call. You can also hear more on the Inside Elections Podcast. His email address is [email protected].
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The bottom line is that there’s a cyclical nature to our politics, mainly because the party in power usually learns the wrong lessons from the election. The winners believe the electorate is in love with them rather than voicing their disapproval of the other party.
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